In addition in Ghana there is a bureaucracy of the state and the party which is guaranteed substantial privileges, corruption in office being included. In the fifth year of the Angolan struggle, the following objective balance sheet, by and large, can be drawn up: (a) The armed struggle inside the country is continuing and has even undergone a revival recently. In the course of this struggle, they seek to establish ties with the most radical and most conscious elements of the anti-imperialist movement, to educate them in the principles of revolutionary Marxism, to create together with them the first Trotskyist nuclei and to determine, on the basis of the particular conditions in each country, the ways and means to build genuinely revolutionary tendencies and parties. (b) During the Ben Bella period, the functioning of the party and the leading bodies of the state were certainly not guided by the criterion of revolutionary democracy; and the way the new crew came to power was such as to still further reduce their role, to increase the distrust and skepticism of the masses, and to further restrict the participation of broad sectors from political life.
As for the anti-colonialist Congolese forces, their fundamental deficiency has been the absence of a genuinely unified political organization, the Lumumbist organization itself having only limited forces. PageMarxists Internet Archive, Toward A History of the Fourth International Home In fact, as the events at the end of 1964 and beginning of 1965 showed, the country is undergoing a profound crisis. Under certain conditions, the unions can be used effectively in mobilizing sectors of the masses and educating them. It can be said quite aptly that for them independence amounts to a flag and a national anthem. At the same time its consciousness is limited by its lack of Marxist training and background. If there is an intransigent wing that wants to go all the way and reject an equivocal solution (Mulele), there is also another tendency, represented at the top and even in some sectors of the combat forces (for example, Gbenye), that is willing to accept a moderate neocolonialist solution in the final analysis. Adopted: Adopted, June 1965. There are many factors that affects the progress of intellectual revolution in Africa: Political, Social, and economic issues may prevent the development of Africa. HIST362 Issues and Controversies in Modern Asian History This subject will explore key themes in the political and socio-economic history of Asia since the late 19th It is clear, in fact, that it has no genuine indigenous capitalist class (either industrial, commercial, or landholding) and one cannot speak of domination by foreign capital. Granted independence from above, without big struggles and popular victories, on the basis of a compromise with the former imperialist master, these countries have offered a favorable soil for neo-colonialist operations, first of all because of their artificial boundary lines, their Balkanization. But the main element of the situation in Guinea is the fact that the exploitation of the mineral resources and industrial production remains entirely under the domination of foreign capital. Moreover a series of conditions existed that could justly be considered to be favorable from the neocolonialist point of view: (a) The presence of a considerable amount of foreign capital in industry and finance as well as agriculture (plantation ownership). The revolutionary Marxists participate in the national anti-imperialist liberation movement in every country. The right to strike must not be put in question by any a priori limitations. These aspirations met with a favorable echo among the masses, but corresponded also to the aims of at least a part of the bourgeoisie, for whom the creation of a united Arab state would provide a considerably wider market. and the existence of a political ruling layer whose base is in the state apparatus, the government and other political structures. However, this has not prevented it from having ties with dubious formations and from continuing to follow a confused line. That is why political leaders throughout Africa, who make any pretense at all of voicing mass aspirations, talk in terms of socialism. The advanced nature of the process in certain of the states of Africa in revolutionary transformation, including Mali and Guinea, is linked among other things to the existence of national centralizing political movements. The reorganization of the party has been effected by purely bureaucratic methods, including putting a military man at the head, while certain so-called national organizations (particularly that of the students) have been subjected to still more revolting interference. The hopes of those who thought that acts of sabotage would be sufficient to set off the powder keg have proved to be unjustified. Generally, the fundamental elements of the situation The freezing of prices failed also. This could occur in the future, for example, by the overlapping of the commercial sectors with sectors of members of the political apparatus. First of all the state companies by their very structure do not exclude the participation, if only as a minority, of private interests. The revolts which broke out at different times in isolated regions met with very harsh repression and were thus crushed. Nevertheless, the situation is far from having crystallized. Many forces are pressing Egypt in the direction of a new revolutionary upsurgethe objective demands of economic development, the weakness of the old ruling classes, the countrys position in the international situation, the pressure of the masses of workers and peasants. Finally in the petty-bourgeois urban circles, especially among the students, the regime retained considerable support, but this sector also voiced criticisms from the left. Companies have been set up that belong completely to the state or in which the state holds the majority of shares (ENCON, SEMA, RTM, SOENA, etc.). This is not specially due to the quite real geographical difficulties. what controversies met the revolution in africabreaking news woburn, ma today. These two variants are to be found in the countries of neocolonial structure in West Africa. The feudal class welded together around the Negus and his family aims at consolidating its position through an alliance with foreign capital. In this field, Ben Bellas attempts to flatter the Moslem circles by concessions and to counteract their conservative weight by propagandizing for a so-called socialist interpretation of Moslem texts failed pitifully. The attempts made up to now have unfortunately failed, having had only a mere propagandistic scope. The following points must be emphasized: (a) The Ben Bella regime was established on the basis of the mobilization of the masses, although this movement was restricted to the critical turning points and became exhausted some time ago. It is not denied that social differentiations can come about (by the formation, for example, of commercial layers and bureaucratic layers detached from the masses), but it is held that the fundamental dynamic is counteracting these tendencies. They display the most notorious corruption and malfeasance in office. At the same time they also raised the problem of radically transforming the state apparatus. As long as the private sector remains preponderant in industry, finance and trade, as long as there is no genuine monopoly of foreign trade, as long as planning has not been introduced to block or control the free play of the market in accordance with the logic of capitalism, self-management will be gravely handicapped and threatened with bankruptcy or with being drained of its revolutionary social content.
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Africa today is the scene of conflict among social forces and political tendencies, which, while retaining their marked specific features, are part and parcel of the dynamics of the contemporary world. This also applies to the Organization of African Unity whose appearance was unquestionably due to the multiple demands for African unityunity in the struggle against remaining colonialist ramparts, unity to counteract neocolonialist domination, unity for economic growth. The necessity for economic growth and the satisfaction of elementary needs, which has pushed the masses into struggle, requires going beyond the bourgeois democratic stage and divisions along national lines. As for the masses, the delay in the new agrarian reform, which was frequently promised but always postponed, and the persistence of crying inequities between the situations in the cities and hilly regions on the one hand and most of the other sectors on the other led to passivity among the majority of the poor peasants and loss of interest in the revolution. But such a solution would be impractical or short lived. Since the new regime failed to improve their economic and social conditions, although they had made a major contribution to the armed struggle, the landless peasants were no longer inclined to give active support to the revolution. The opposition, extending from the most moderate positions among the enlightened sectors of the upper layers to the armed resistance of sectors of the people, primarily peasants, is even expressed in organized forms. As a result of the events at the end of 1964, the struggle has become explosive for imperialism and neocolonialism, and, in short, more to the advantage of the revolutionary forces that have sprung up in different zones of the country. The fact that the problem that exploded in the summer of 1962of reconstructing the FLN on a new basiswas not resolved and that the party still functioned in a precarious and bureaucratic fashion, with real activity concentrated particularly at the top, served as a concomitant factor in reinforcing the bureaucratic tendencies as well as the uncertainties and the retreats of the stage that followed the measures of 1963. The essential task of revolutionists in this sector of Africa is to work for the political crystallization and organization of oppositional forces among the urban workers, the plebian masses of the shanty towns, the agricultural workers of the plantations and the broad peasant layers. Inevitably this layer is led to exploit its positions of power in order to assure for itself a stable standard of living distinctly higher than that of the rest of the population. A major measure was taken in 1960 with the nationalization of the Misr Bank, the pivot of finance and industry in Egypt. Due to its size alone, the FLNA appears more heterogeneous than the MPLA, including the leadership level. Among other observations, the United Secretariat declared: As is characteristic of a Workers and Peasants Government of this kind, the Algerian government has not followed a consistent course.